Encyclopedia of Gangs - Edited by Louis Kontos and David C. Brotherton.pdf

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Encyclopedia of Gangs
Edited by LOUIS KONTOS and
DAVID C. BROTHERTON
GREENWOOD PRESS
Westport, Connecticut London
182939521.001.png
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Encyclopedia of gangs / edited by Louis Kontos and David C. Brotherton.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-313-33402-3 (alk. paper)
1. Gangs—UnitedStates—Encyclopedias. 2. Gangs—Encyclopedias. I. Kontos,Louis.
II. Brotherton, David.
HV6439.U5E53 2008
364.1’0660973—dc22 2007029804
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright © 2008 by Louis Kontos and David C. Brotherton
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007029804
ISBN: 978-0-313-33402-3
First published in 2008
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the
Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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Contents
Preface
vii
Acknowledgments
xi
Introduction
xiii
List of Entries
xix
Guide to Related Topics
xxi
The Encyclopedia
1
Index
283
Preface
Much has changed in “gangland” since the publication of the rst empirical study on
the topic, Thrasher’s The Gang . In this study, “gang boys” are primarily children of
immigrants living in industrial slums. Their participation in gangs is deemed a “nat-
ural” response to the problems and contradictions of their world; a mode of adapta-
tion that includes rituals, symbolism, folklore, and concepts that provide a basis for
solidarity and sense of collective purpose. The in uence of Thrasher’s account on
theoretical and empirical work on gangs is strong in the 1930s and 1940s. A more
deterministic (neo-positivist) logic can be found in the 1950s, which Hardman (1967)
aptly characterizes as “the decade of theorizing.” In two of the most in uential
works of this decade—Cohen (1955) and Miller (1958)—gang culture is theorized
along a single dimension: norms and values. Cohen sees gangs as a mode of rebellion
rather than adaptation. The typical gang, in this account, develops in opposition to
mainstream (middle-class) values and institutional sources of judgment. Its subcul-
ture is deemed merely epiphenomenal—something gang members invent with the
intent to shock outsiders, assert distaste, and reclaim dignity. Miller, by contrast, sees
gangs as a collection of working-class youth whose habits and values are incongru-
ent with the institutional logic of middle-class society. Incongruence leads to trouble,
for instance, when young men are overly masculine and thereby confrontational, or
when they cheat or steal because they are not accustomed to “delayed grati cation.”
In this scenario, gang subculture is simply an extension of working-class culture
without appropriate context, thereby pathological. Did gangland change all that
much in an anti-social direction between the 1920s and 1950s? Yes and no.
Clearly there is a problem with generalizations about “gangs,” since the people
who study them display widely disparate motivating interests and theoretical as-
sumptions, which are, at least in part, ideological in nature; and since ideological
and theoretical tendencies in the literature on gangs have shifted widely over short
periods of time, and from one “school” to the next. This manner of shift has been so
dramatic over the last eighty years as to make real comparisons among any past and
present gangs dif cult. The most dramatic shift occurred in the 1960s, where “gang
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