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P ARALLELS B ETWEEN F ENCING AND D ANCING
IN L ATE S IXTEENTH C ENTURY T REATISES *
Dr. Patri J. Pugliese
(Visiting Scholar, MIT)
April 2005
Dancing and fencing (or the “Art of Defense,”
as it was referred to in English manuals of the sixteenth
century) have much in common, but also much that dis-
tinguishes them. They both require disciplined study and
motor control to learn movements that may seem highly
thor was writing for a contemporary audience and could
reasonably presume that his readers had seen first hand at
least some of what was being described. In reconstruct-
ing these movements, we can never be sure that our re-
construction is completely true to the original author’s
Figure 1. Fabritio Caroso. Il Ballarino (Venice, 1581), p. 3 verso;
Figure 2. Fabritio Caroso. Nobilta di Dame (Venetia, 1600), p. xxx.
Figure 3. Cesare Negri. Le Gratie d’Amore (Milan, 1602), p. 121.
Figure 4. Cesare Negri. Le Gratie d’Amore (Milan, 1602), p. 256.
unnatural to the beginning student, but which must nev-
ertheless be performed with near perfection to satisfy the
master. Each has associated with it a technical language
of terms representing individual movements which are
to be strung together to create movement sequences. On
the other hand, there are also distinct differences between
the activities: in dancing, you and your partner attempt
to accommodate your movements to each other; in fenc-
ing, you and your opponent are intent on discommoding
the actions of the other, or at least precluding his or her
intended final action (be it cut or thrust). In many dances,
including those of the Renaissance period, there is an es-
tablished pattern of movements to be executed in order.
In fencing, while you may learn movements in a set pat-
tern, you must be sure not to execute them in a pattern
lest your opponent be able to anticipate your actions.
Outweighing the similarities between fencing and
dancing are the similarities in the challenges involved in
reconstructing each of these two activities from original
Renaissance sources. In each case, one is presented with
a verbal description which must be interpreted as a series
of physical movements, ideally the same movements in-
tended by the author. This is especially difficult as the au-
intentions, but we can work towards that goal by consid-
ering whether we have satisfied the details of the written
description while producing a movement sequence which
satisfies whatever aesthetic and practical considerations
can be applied.
Given the requirement of disciplined movement
common to the two activities, as well as the fact that both
were expected accomplishments within the same strata
of society, it should not be surprising that dancing and
fencing have long been associated with each other. 1 In
many cases, a single person might serve as both dancing
master and fencing master. Cesare Negri provides us with
some Renaissance examples of this in his list of dancing
masters given in the opening section of Le Gratie d’Amore
(Milan, 1602): Gio. Ambrosio Valchiera, Milanese, was
master to the son of the Duke of Savoy, “to whom he
taught not only dancing ( ballare ) but also fencing ( scher-
mire ), and in that service he always lived with much fame.” 2
Gio. Battista Varade, Milanese, “ran a school of dancing
and fencing in Milan and Rome, and was worthy master
in the one and in the other profession.” 3 Unfortunately,
we have no writings by, or even other references to, either
of these masters and their activities in dancing or fenc-
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ing.
There are at least three areas where one might
expect to gain insights from the juxtaposition of fenc-
ing manuals and dance manuals of the Renaissance era:
steps. This comes as no surprise to historical dancers who
are used to the idea of a double step consisting of three
steps, or three steps with a final close. Nevertheless, the
strong argument for interpreting Meyer’s double step as
three steps comes, not from contemporary dance sources,
but from Meyer’s own treatise.
Another term that appears in both dancing and
fencing treatises of the Renaissance is “Contratempo.”
Salvator Fabris discusses this term in his treatise, De Lo
Schermo overo Scienza d’Arme (Copenhaven,1606). First, he
establishes the idea of a “tempo,” which he defines as “a
movement made by the adversary within distance.” 6 This
appears to correspond to what is sometimes referred to
today as a unit of “fencing time,” which is the time re-
quired for a direct, or single-action, attack. If your adver-
sary is within attacking distance and begins a movement
which you perceive as exposing some part of his body,
you can be assured of hitting him with a direct attack as
this requires only a single tempo , while for him to com-
plete his movement and also parry your attack requires
more than one tempo . Fabris warns his reader that “there
are some men who cunningly offer a time, that you may
attempt a hit, and at the same time they parry and hit,
which is called a hit in contratempo .” 7 A hit in contratempo
thus occurs when your opponent hits you while you are
in the act of extending your weapon in an effort to hit
him. 8 That is, two actions are in contratempo when they
Figure 5. Camillo Agrippa. Trattato di Scientia d’Arme
(Roma, 1553), p. ix(verso).
first, in interpreting technical terms that cross over from
one activity to the other; second, in the identification of
general styles of movement or other elements of style
present in both activities that characterize a particular cul-
ture or nation; and third, in gaining general insights into
the conventions of the day for describing movement. A
particular aspect of this third area which I will treat below
concerns the use of illustrations and pictorial notations.
The importance of juxtaposing dance and fencing
manuals would be fully demonstrated if one could point
to clear cases of technical terms that are common to both
activities and where ambiguities in one description are ex-
plicated by the other. In Joachim Meyer’s fencing manu-
al, Gründliche Beschreibung der ... Fechtens (Strasburg, 1570;
2nd ed. Augspurg, 1600), Meyer uses the term “double
step” (“ zwifachen trit ”) in his longsword, dusack and ra-
pier sections when he requires a greater displacement of
the attacker’s body than can be achieved by a single large
step. In the absence of early dance experience, one might
imagine that a double step is just a pair of steps. Only
after several references to this “double step” 4 does Meyer
finally give the reader a clear statement of its execution:
Do a double step thus: when you have stepped with your right
foot to his left, and your technique requires that you should step
yet further around, then step with your left foot after the right
one, outwards or past behind your right foot; then before you have
scarcely set the left down, you can step forth with the right, to
double the [step]. 5
Figure 6. Camillo Agrippa. Trattato di Scientia d’Arme (Roma, 1553), prior
to p. i.
That is, a “double step” is not two steps, but rather three
occur during the same brief unit of time. They are not,
however, precisely simultaneous: one action begins after
2
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the other, but the difference must be distinctly less than
the time required to carry out either of the actions.
If we turn to the use of the term contratempo in
dancing, we find it used repeatedly by
Cesare Negri in his treatise Le Gra-
tie d’Amore (1602). In the ninth sec-
tion of “Trattato Secondo,” Negri
addresses the four ways of dancing
the “Gagliarda.” The first way is with
five-steps in one measure of music.
The second and third ways are with
four and three steps, respectively, the
steps being performed more slowly.
The fourth way is with six, seven,
eight or more steps; that is, with
more than one step performed within
each beat of the music. Negri refers
to these last cases as being in contra-
tempo . 9 It appears that in dancing, as
in fencing, a key element to actions
being in contratempo is that more than
one action is taken, though not necessarily completed, in
a single unit of time. Other instances of Negri’s use of
the term contratempo are consistent with this, but the com-
plexity of the cases where it is used suggests that there
may be additional implications to the term. 10
In John Essex’s 1710 trans-
lation of Feuillet’s For the Improve-
ment of Dancing , a symbol is given
with the legend “To walk one step
forward and stamp the ground with
the flat of the foot as in fencing.” 11
One can then turn to the fencing
manuals of the day to learn more
about the precise movement in-
tended, making this a fine example
of a cross benefit obtained by look-
ing at a combination of fencing
and dancing manuals. On the other
hand, this reference occurs well
after the Renaissance period. In
general, one might expect cases of
terminology crossing from fencing
to dancing in dances with explicitly martial themes, but
the two obvious cases of this, Thoinot Arbeau’s “Buf-
fons” and Cesare Negri’s “La Battaglia,” are disappoint-
ing in this regard. The terminology used by Arbeau to
describe blows, Taille Haulte , Revers Hault , Taille Basse , Re-
vers bas , Feincte and Estocade (Thrust), is consistent with pe-
riod fencing terminology; but, as with Meyer’s use of the
double step, Arbeau’s own illustrations are sufficient to
explain the intended movements, so little is to be gained
by consulting contemporary fencing manuals. 12 Negri’s
“La Battaglia” uses no fencing termi-
nology or movements, and so fenc-
ing sources are completely irrelevant
in this case. 13
A more general argument for the
parallel study of fencing and danc-
ing is that in many periods, the same
gentlemen who would be learning
the one activity, would also be receiv-
ing daily instruction in the other. If
the movement styles in these two ac-
tivities were grossly different, these
gentlemen would be faced with the
huge challenge of changing the ba-
sic kinesthetic elements of how they
move. It is difficult to imagine that
the strength, sense of distance, tim-
ing, balance, overall posture and style
of movement acquired with sword in hand would not af-
fect the same gentleman’s posture and movement style
on the dance floor. The rapier was a new weapon of the
sixteenth century which, unlike the broadsword and other
traditional weapons of war, became an everyday symbol
of social status. It became an almost
indispensable adornment to gentle-
men’s dress on the street, in court
and even on the ballroom floor, as
evidenced by the illustrations in
the Dance Manuals of Caroso and
Negri (Figures 1-4). 14 The clear
implication of these figures is that
a gentleman was expected to be so
comfortable wearing a sword that
it was not a significant impediment
to movement, presumably because
gentlemen would from habit com-
pensate for its presence in a myr-
iad of ways of which the wearer
was probably unconscious. Caroso
gives specific advice to dancers on
the manner of handling a sword while dancing, but this
could hardly have sufficed were the wearer not already
used to wearing one. 15
One of the earliest manuals of the rapier is the
Trattato di Scientia d’Arme, con un Dialogo di Filosofia (Roma,
1553) of Camillo Agrippa. This manual includes many
illustrations of guard positions and of engagements be-
Figure 8. Giacomo Di Grassi. Ragione di Adoprar Si-
curamante l’Arme (Venetia, 1570), p. 14.
3
Figure 7. Fabritio Caroso. Nobilta di Dame (Vene-
tia, 1600), p. 241.
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tween combatants. The former of these are each displayed
in conjunction with a geometrical figure representing the
angles and proportions proper to the posture (Figure 5).
This concern for
geometry as the
means of under-
standing nature and
perfecting art can
be associated with
the neoplatonic
philosophy that was
finding favor in the
second half of the
sixteenth century.
The importance of
philosophy to the
science of arms
is proclaimed not
only by the title of
the Agrippa’s trea-
tise, but also by the
opening illustra-
tion within the text
which shows a de-
bate between a phi-
losopher of the an-
cient school armed
with his books
and a modern phi-
losopher wearing
a sword and hold-
ing instruments of
mathematical learn-
ing (Figure 6). 16 A
corresponding con-
cern within dance
for the new math-
ematical philosophy
is to be seen in the
wonderful rosette
figure in Fabritio
Caroso’s Nobilta di
Dame (Venetia, 1600) which appears with the legend, “Il
Contrapasso fatto con vera mathematica” (Figure 7). 17
Among the best organized of the early manuals on
the use of the rapier is the Ragione di Adoprar Sicuramante
l’Arme si da Offesa, Come da Difessa of Giacomo di Grassi
(Venetia, 1570). Di Grassi begins his manual by defin-
ing a limited number of movements and positions to be
used in this art (Figure 8); he then describes a variety of
sequences arrived at by stringing these elements together.
The parallel in structure to the dance manuals of Caroso
and Negri is clear, even though the specific movements
Di Grassi describes
are quite different.
The manual of Di
Grassi is uniquely
important in that
here we have the
original Italian man-
ual (of 1570) and a
nearly contempo-
rary English trans-
lation: Giacomo Di
Grassi His True Arte
of Defence (London,
1594). This illus-
trates a more gener-
al issue concerning
rapier instruction
in different nations
which parallels
dance practice. In
both areas, the Ital-
ians clearly led the
other European na-
tions in the quantity
of works produced
and in the subtlety
and complexity
of the activity de-
scribed in those
works. The English,
while maintaining
some traditional
elements, were par-
ticularly enamoured
of Italian practice
and technique. The
French appeared to
favor a somewhat
simpler style than
the Italians, though we have few sources in either area
on which to base such a generalization. The Germanic
nations also looked to the Italians, though German fenc-
ing maintained a fondness for cutting and a willingness to
grapple which the Italian school discouraged. The Span-
ish developed their own distinctive style which in both
arts was characterized by a firm, erect posture and crisp
motions. Dancers performing a choreography that is sup-
4
Figure 9. Gerard Thibault d’Anvers, Academie de l’Espee (Leyden, 1628), detail of Tabula IIII.
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